The Center for African Affairs and Global Peace

Re: How Can Democracy be Strengthened in African Countries?

Posted Feb 27, 2008 in the category.

My Comments

Name: Yelina Grados Salinas
Age:
Gender: Female
Home City/Town:
Home Country:
Current place of residence: Peru
Current Occupation: Lawyer

Questions- You are free to answer all of them. Please try to answer at least 2 to 3 of them.

1. Article 4, paragraph g of the Constitutive Act of the African Union establishes the principle of “non-interference by any Member State in the internal affairs of another”. However, the following paragraph (h) declares “the right of the Union to intervene in a Member State pursuant to a decision of the Assembly in respect of grave circumstances, namely: war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity.” At what point, in your opinion, is it appropriate for Member States to act against a government believed to be undemocratic, especially one that has persecuted its citizens? Why might some people oppose such intervention? Consider the current situations in Kenya and Zimbabwe.

I consider that sovereignty and self governance must be permanently respected, as they are fundamental for the successful development and advancement of every state. Only when these circumstances exist, we can speak of freedom and autonomy of a country and, most importantly, of its citizens. Hence, since these conditions are all aimed to assure the citizens’ liberties and well-being, it is coherent to declare that “it is possible to intervene in a Member State in respect of grave circumstances”, especially when they affect humanity.
It is indispensable to keep in mind that the main purpose of establishing the “non-interference” principle, was to protect the people’s free will which is in almost all of the cases represented by a specific state and government authorities. Now, when we have evidence of wrongdoings that contravene the population’s safety and protected interests within certain territories, it should not be possible to claim the “non-interference” principle since its raison d‘être is being contravened in that specific area. Moreover, I believe that the international community has the responsibility to watch over the respect of human rights standards, at least within those territories that have accepted the pertinent conventions and Acts.

It must be said that governments have been given their powers and faculties by the people in order to represent and take care of their interests; unfortunately, it doesn’t guarantee that the authorities in charge will always act on the people’s benefit and it is in those cases that action from other governments and actors happen to be required – not withstanding with the “non-interference” principle due to the infringement of its grounds.
Finally, we need to evaluate whether we should wait until the rights of a community are affected or not, because we could certainly reduce the number of victims if action was taken when meaningful threats appear. Of course, it can be held that the latter would lead us to a very risky limit but, on the other hand, many lives could probably be saved if timely and responsible actions were executed and we did not have to wait until the damage has already been caused.

2. Can the United States and the European Nations play a constructive role in collaborating with African governments in strengthening democracy? What, or what not, should that role consist of?

Even though any help is positive, there are some circumstances that need to be analyzed when it comes to other countries involvement – especially if they are former colonizers. Whenever a democratic state arises, it should be given independency to conduct itself through its transition; otherwise, it will never acquire an adequate management of certain situations that are crucial for a successful development.
I think that collaboration is positive when the new state cannot manage a precise situation in an appropriate manner but already-democratic states must understand and respect the time, sequence and ways of evolvement that the arising democracy presents. When collaboration is provided to accelerate or somehow denaturalize the natural evolution of the process, then it is not positive but on the contrary, it might cause problems and loopholes within the emergent system.
General information and data should be provided but no management instructions must be given – especially when not required – unless extremely necessary I would say.

3. Can you think of any aspects of American or European-style democracy that you believe have been unsuccessful in your country or others in Africa? If so, why, and what ideas do you have that might work better?
I would say that the implementation of foreign systems without previous considerations is not desirable for the easy reason that, since it has been designed and developed within a different context, it will probably not lead to the same results. On the contrary, it could lead to pluralism and informality due to the fact that the population does not recognize the established laws and policies as of their own but as of others. Under those circumstances, they will try to create a regulation that better suits their reality and needs creating a parallel system that may origin a negative upcoming.

In South America, for instance, many of the legal codes and systems have been copied from Europe and other developed countries in which these regulations were appropriate. However, when implemented in a different context, culture, society and reality, the results were very unlike. Then, people created they “own rules” and ways of living, closer to what they considered their truth.

4. To what extent does successful democracy depend on a strong, common sense of national identity? In what ways can ethnic, religious, linguistic, tribal, caste and regional identities be respected yet woven into common national identities? Can you think of any examples from your country or elsewhere?

When there is national identity within a certain territory, it is easier to identify the population needs, interests and concerns. Also, it is more possible to join forces and attain important aims because the majority looks for common results and are willing to work for it.

Notwithstanding with this, tolerance must always be cultivated and promoted. When there are different tribal or religious identities within a territory, they ought to be respected and understood (unless they strongly contravene the national interests or well-being) and when it is not possible to integrate them, they should be taken under consideration and give them a voice when making major decisions. Having a different culture doesn’t mean that my interest will be different or opposite to those of others; therefore, it should not be assumed that there is a contradiction between tolerance and common interests or concerns.

5. Ideally, what do you believe the political role of the military should be in your country?
I think that military institutions must have limited powers and influence in the politics of major decisions of a country. Military forces were from the beginning created to protect or defend a territory not to define public policies or trends of government. I think that each institution has been created with a purpose and it needs to be kept that way in order to attain a developed stage in a near future.

6. What do you believe is the single biggest obstacle or challenge to democracy in your home country? How would you like to see it addressed?

I would say corruption. I would like to see that my country’s population comprehends the importance of respecting established rules and paths of action. I would also like to see that the government cooperates sanctioning to those who defy the existing system, no matter what public charge or position they have. I guess I could resume the action I wish to be taken here in accountability.

7. What social issues would have the best chance of being solved in your country as a result of greater democracy?
Probably corruption, poorness and discrimination would be the firsts benefited by democracy.

8. How can the rural and urban poor be given a role in political decision-making beyond the (sometimes very) occasional trip to the ballot box? Do you know of any efforts to “decentralize” power to the state, regional or village level in your home country?

Giving them power, the option of making decisions. For instance, local authorities should have autonomy in the creation of specific regulations that affect them directly and in this creation process, the population should most definitely be included. In this manner, we will not only enhance the results to be obtained but most importantly we would help to the construction of a common aim, a common sense that everyone works for everyone’s benefit and not only for those in power or for those living in the urban areas.

9. Please discuss any issue related to strengthening democracy in Africa that you could not address by answering the previous questions. Any other questions we should ask?

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Re: How Can Democracy be Strengthened in African Countries?

Posted Feb 27, 2008 in the category.

My Comments
Name: Rafaela Bielecki-Weyenberg,
Age: 50
Gender: female
Home City/Town: Frankfurt
Home Country: Germany
Current place of residence: Germany
Current Occupation: Language teacher, translator and interpreter

Questions- You are free to answer all of them. Please try to answer at least 2 to 3 of them.

1. Article 4, paragraph g of the Constitutive Act of the African Union establishes the principle of “non-interference by any Member State in the internal affairs of another”. However, the following paragraph (h) declares “the right of the Union to intervene in a Member State pursuant to a decision of the Assembly in respect of grave circumstances, namely: war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity.” At what point, in your opinion, is it appropriate for Member States to act against a government believed to be undemocratic, especially one that has persecuted its citizens? Why might some people oppose such intervention? Consider the current situations in Kenya and Zimbabwe.

An intervention might be justified, if it is evident that a government is involved in genocide or tolerates genocide and refuses to protect specific ethnic groups. In cases like Kenya where electoral irregularities were reported by international observers and result in ethnic tensions and killings, an intervention might become necessary, if the situation escalates and negotiations fail. Of course, an intervention might be regarded as an interference with the countries own internal affairs, it it takes place before all other options to resolve the problems have been tried.

In Zimbabwe so far there is no situation that would require an intervention. Political problems alone wouldn’t justify it. In my opinion an intervention is only justified, if the entire population of a country is subject to war crimes, genocide or crimes against humanity that would endanger people’s lives.

2. Can the United States and the European Nations play a constructive role in collaborating with African governments in strengthening democracy? What, or what not, should that role consist of?

The US and former European colonizers can play a constructive role by promoting democratic structures or elements in African countries that ask for their support. One example is the Democratic Republic of Congo. It asked for support to build up a legal system, support during the election period, training of police and the military with the result that advisors were sent to fulfill these functions, and support democratic developments and structures in DRC.

However, nothing should be forced upon African countries. Assistance should always be the result of dialogue and mutual consent.

3. Can you think of any aspects of American or European-style democracy that you believe have been unsuccessful in your country or others in Africa? If so, why, and what ideas do you have that might work better?

Democracy in Germany fails to properly integrate migrants, to give them equal opportunities in society and education. Furthermore, laws concerning the prevention of discrimination on the job market are inefficient and useless, as people who apply for jobs at regular companies do not have hardly any ways of finding out why their applications have been rejected. Statistics show that migrants have less access to higher education and well paying jobs, and that chances of children in school largely depend on the social strata their parents belong to.

This creates a society that is drifting apart, with tensions rising, and an educational system that is wasting a lot of potentials and at the same time is no longer in a position to provide society with the qualified personnel urgently needed in many sectors. Furthermore, unsatisfactory working conditions and laws which do not sufficiently protect the rights of the employees but mainly focus on the interests of employers make more and more people leave the country.
Anti discrimination laws would have to be strengthened, and efforts need to be made, that they can be enforced and that there is transparency with regard to decision making. Furthermore, a more participative approach in many institutions, involving minorities would be desirable.
4. To what extent does successful democracy depend on a strong, common sense of national identity? In what ways can ethnic, religious, linguistic, tribal, caste and regional identities be respected yet woven into common national identities? Can you think of any examples from your country or elsewhere?
Democracy depends on national identity, because if groups only favor their own tribe, their own caste, religious group, etc. their major interest will not be the benefit of all people but only the benefit of their own respective group. This could easily lead to tensions and violence or could lead to the exclusion of specific groups from power or to their marginalization. This is of course against the very nature of democracy where all groups of the population should enjoy basic human rights, and protection from discrimination and injustice.

When thinking of Spain, with its autonomous regions, then I think that system could work quite well in Africa. While during the Franco-era many ethnic groups were not allowed to speak their regional languages and to practice their traditions, the post-Franco era is characterized by an openness for cultural heritage. Basques and Catalans e.g. are free to speak their own regional languages now, to teach it at schools, and are granted the right to educate their children in it at school. So, the different regions in Spain now reflect diversity while at the same time working together at the level of the national government to shape the countries policies. Probably such an approach that gives different ethnic / religious groups or tribes the option to live their own cultural lives and still work together at a national level for the good of the country could be beneficial for some African countries as well.

5. Ideally, what do you believe the political role of the military should be in your country? – The military should protect the country against foreign attacks, and also against internal and external acts of terrorism. – Particularly with regard to terrorism and threats to democracy, it should collaborate with the international community to prevent such dangers.

- The military should always remain neutral and serve a democratically elected government. – The military should provide assistance to the population in cases of natural disasters.

6. What do you believe is the single biggest obstacle or challenge to democracy in your home country? How would you like to see it addressed?

In my opinion, the biggest challenge to democracy in Germany is that large scale companies and politicians are more and more often caught up in affairs in corruption and that hardly anything is being done about it. Usually, it doesn’t have any significant consequences for them, maybe the payment of a fine, but what does that matter if there benefits were 10 times higher anyway? And even when it turned out that an election was financed with illegal money – as was the case with the previous chancellor Helmut Kohl (a payment of approx. 1 million DM could not be accounted for and Kohl refused to state where the money had come from)- there was no impeachment – nothing happened, business as usual. Thanks to the fact that for a long time in Germany so called “useful payments” could even be deducted from taxes, bribery and corruption have become part of the culture. And again and again there are cases were illegal practices and payments continue, disguised as “business secrets”, making it impossible for employees to take any action whatsoever without risking penal proceedings for the disclosure of “business secrets”. This of course promotes a system where companies and politicians only fill their own pockets or the pockets of the lobbies that support them and the general public pays the price for it.

7. What social issues would have the best chance of being solved in your country as a result of greater democracy?

One issue that could be solved would be the above mentioned problems of discrimination and corruption. Having more effective anti-discrimination laws would also make it less likely that politicians use their anti-migrant attitudes during electoral campaigns to win over right wing voters, as is the case at present. If corruption is stopped efficiently, money that otherwise ends up in the pockets of a few could be made available for useful public purposes.

8. How can the rural and urban poor be given a role in political decision-making beyond the (sometimes very) occasional trip to the ballot box? Do you know of any efforts to “decentralize” power to the state, regional or village level in your home country?

The rural and urban poor could form interest groups that meet regularly and discuss matters important to them, and decide upon a representative who will represent their interests at a local government level.

9. Please discuss any issue related to strengthening democracy in Africa that you could not address by answering the previous questions. Any other questions we should ask?

Africa is too diverse, to discuss all problems with such a questionnaire. Particularly, when e.g. looking at Sudan, I ask myself what could be done to strengthen the rights of women who are frequently deprived of equal rights or opportunities. And what could be done about such basic human rights as access to food, water, medical care and education for the general public? Poverty divides society, creates dependence, and is as such an ideal breeding ground for conflict and violence. However, democracy requires participation, the opportunity for development, and stability. What can be done on a political level about this contradiction?

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Re: How Can Democracy be Strengthened in African Countries?

Posted Feb 27, 2008 in the category.

My Comments

How can democracy be sustained

Umar, F.M.(Mrs.)
47
Female
Kano
Nigeria
Kano, Nigeria
Educationist.

1. All states in Africa are either multi ethnic, multi religious or both. Therefore, the potential for conflict is always there, even in the most stable states. Ivory coast and Kenya are examples. Added to that recipe for conflict is that most African heads of government are sit tight and corrupt. Most don’t want to relinquish power once it gets to them. Intervention is meant not to take one side of the conflicting interests at play. It ought to be a channel through which peace; stability and mutual understanding of the conflicting parties that will make them lay arms and embrace lasting truce. However, no intervention is ever that good. In most of cases, the intervening power identifies with one party to the detriment of the other. That fact apart, and because of the multi ethnicity and religiousness of the African states, intervention will portend more disaster. Except in the Liberian case, where because of the nature of that country, no intervention has been good. Added to which no state in Africa has the moral right to intervene in another’s affairs, nor the political courage, if it does to intervene objectively, without getting bogged, like Ethiopia in Somalia. Political conflicts in Africa almost always lead to ethnic ones. If the AU can raise intervention army that will be non partisan and which can work with both sides to bring desired positive objectives and an end to conflicts then am all for it. Again, if the AU can really inflict real sanctions on governments that are supporting or instigating one party to perpetrate in human acts (either overtly or covertly) against another party within the same sovereign boundary, then I can say yes intervene. Otherwise states should stay out of each others territories, sad and tragic as it may be.

2. No they should not! In all cases where Europe or America comes in things get messier,
Both Europe and America come in to protect their interest only. They do not care about people. Otherwise, why give support to leaders that are clearly undemocratic? Besides, where there is no oil, America will not venture. Liberians were begging the US to intervene in their crisis, but the US refused and sent in a very diluted help only after the conflicts are over. Africa must find a way to solve its own internal conflicts, the African way. American and European democracies are myopic. They see only when it suits them. Africa must formulate its own democratic norms fashioned after its own peculiarities, recognizing its own diversity, strengthened by its own institutions.

3. Contrary to Jefferson’s beliefs on democratic ideals, in Africa, it has not given power to the citizens. Votes are allocated by the people in government. African states have dabbled in to both the European parliamentary system and the American presidential systems. Both have proved disasters for the states that practiced them. Both fail and will fail because they are fashioned after cultures that are contra the African tradition and values. Africa has its traditions and values. Let each state harness those values that are common to all people and use them to fashion their own democratic institution. Ghana under Rawlings tried the people’s court system, and their society is now on the better side life. South Africa formed the truth and reconciliation committee, after apartheid. That worked for them. You see each country should be able to sit up take a look, confront the evil that was perpetrated, exorcise the demons and African democracy will be better than those that we try to copy.

4. Without a strong common sense of national identity, no democratic institution can thrive nor indeed survive. Nigeria is a case in point. Basically, Africans have a lot of common values. The catch phrase is to understand differences and respect those differences. If states can find those values which are common to all ethnic groups within that sovereign entity, adopt them as national values and endorse respect of all despite other differences, then any institution founded on those principles will be regarded as belonging to all an as such will be protected by all. Nigeria’s Sir Ahmadu Bello of late memory once said of Nigerians “let’s understand our differences and work with them” Create awareness for the need of a bridge. Let people’s power and will decide the site and the strength of the bridge. Then every one can contribute with materials or expertise. Once that bridge is built, people may not to want to swim again in order to reach point b from point a. We have seen examples in Ghana, Niger and Senegal. These countries, to some extent have enjoyed fewer ethnic and religious conflicts. It may be that these countries have woven all those factors with common national identities.

5. The role of the military in any given country should only play a non partisan role of guarding boarders from external aggressions, or helping when there are humanitarian crises. Any thing else should be with the mandate of the entire people of that sovereign entity. In some cases the military could serve as bridge builders of society. By orientation, the military institution is apolitical and unitary. Thus they could educate the rest of society on how to smooth out any ethnic and religious tensions.

6. The biggest single obstacle to achieving democracy in my country is lack of respect for, sincerity and commitment to democratic ideals.

7. January 30, 2008The greatest social issues that could be addressed by a true democracy is corruption, education and poverty. If democratic institutions are doing what they ought to do, then resources get to be shared equally and people’s basic needs will be met.

8. Citizens should be made aware by educating in what to expect from their leaders. Their rights must be made clear to them. And they should have the freedom to judge and sanction those they feel did not cater for their interests when they were in power. Political
Callings must be based on ideologies (what the Hausas call aqida) and social service to the people. People must sanction those they feel have not delivered the basic minimum need of that particular area.

9. What to do with corrupt inept leaders. Award for those who practice true ideals of democracy:
Conducting credible elections; handing over power when a term’s expired;
Executing people oriented programs by providing basic needs like: education,
Medical care etc.

Comment

Re: How Can Democracy be Strengthened in African Countries?

Posted Feb 25, 2008 in the DemocracyGovernance category.

My Comments

Name: Amy Schwartz
Age: 24
Gender: Female
Home City/Town: Marlboro, New Jersey
Home Country: United States
Current place of residence: Marlboro, NJ, USA
Current Occupation: Newspaper Advertising-Sales at The Wall Street Journal

Questions- You are free to answer all of them. Please try to answer at least 2 to 3 of them.

1. Article 4, paragraph g of the Constitutive Act of the African Union establishes the principle of “non-interference by any Member State in the internal affairs of another”. However, the following paragraph (h) declares “the right of the Union to intervene in a Member State pursuant to a decision of the Assembly in respect of grave circumstances, namely: war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity.” At what point, in your opinion, is it appropriate for Member States to act against a government believed to be undemocratic, especially one that has persecuted its citizens? Why might some people oppose such intervention? Consider the current situations in Kenya and Zimbabwe.

Hans Morgenthau, a prominent contemporary realist in International Relations theory, states in his text Politics Among Nations, “There can be no political morality without consideration of seemingly moral action. A man who was nothing but a ‘political man’ would be a beast because he would be completely lacking in moral restraints, and a man who was nothing but a ‘moral man’ would be a fool because he would be completely lacking in prudence”.

Hans Morgenthau cites the elusiveness on which to intervene in countries that are suffering a political and/or humanitarian crisis. One nation’s conception of what constitutes a political or humanitarian crisis might be another’s example of a nationalist freedom fight or revolutionary cause. For example, the current crisis in Kenya can be looked at as a legitimate, yet violent opposition from Raila Odinga’s ODM because the crucial elections were considered not to be ‘free & fair’; or, on the other hand, to the international community as an unjust humanitarian crisis or ethnic cleansing against the Kikuyu Tribe, which once lived side by side the Luo.

Intervention for humanitarian purposes leads to a political and economic commitment, which can be extremely costly, uncertain and sometimes even unproductive. Academic Michael Mandelbaum addresses this ambiguity in an article titled, “The Reluctance to Intervene”, in which he states, “Intervention undertaken for purely humanitarian reasons leads inevitably to two quintessentially political tasks; guaranteeing the borders under challenge and constructing an apparatus of government in places where it is absent. Although sympathy is a powerful human emotion, prudence in political decisions can become a decisive factor.” As far as being appropriate to intervene, African Union states must make a binding commitment, both monetary and politically for the long-term, because as we have seen in the past, these crises can have a plethora of indirect consequences. In addition, I also believe that in regards to intervention by the African Union in a proclaimed humanitarian crisis such as in Kenya and Zimbabwe, support from the United Nations, the European Union and the United States should be present for additional monetary, political, and even military support to oversee that corruption does not occur in the use of monetary assistance, political support, and military appropriations.

• Hans J. Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace. Brief Edition ( McGraw-Hill 1993), Chapter One.
• Michael Mandelbaum, “The Reluctance to Intervene”, Foreign Policy, (Summer 1994), 95, pp. 4-5.

2. Can the United States and the European Nations play a constructive role in collaborating with African governments in strengthening democracy? What, or what not, should that role consist of? Yes, the United States and the former European colonizers can play a constructive role in strengthening democracy, especially to monitor elections, in which a watchdog could now become a necessity after the current Kenyan crisis, and even in Nigeria where the last elections in April 2007 were also disputed.

One role the former colonizers could play is working with African countries in regards to representation in International Organizations, such as the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, and other UN Organizations. I believe additional representation from the continent will provide African governments with more confidence in their democracies at home and their ability to lead on an international stage. There has been talk among the international community to open the head roles, which have always been primarily American and European, at the World Bank and the IMF to Asian and African leaders. If African democracies believed they could get a post to this high status, respect, and responsibility, I believe they would work even harder towards transparency in government at home.

3. To what extent does successful democracy depend on a strong, common sense of national identity? In what ways can ethnic, religious, linguistic, tribal, caste and regional identities be respected yet woven into common national identities? Can you think of any examples from your country or elsewhere?

I think that democracy is a balance of both a strong national identity, and a plethora of regional identities within that can live side by side in relative peace. The forefront of democracy is giving the people power in which to form their government, and the right to hold free and fair elections, utilize freedom of speech and the press, and to practice any religion. However, xenophobia can naturally arise when ethnic, religious, tribal, and religious identities are all in close quarters. Hence, compromises become acute, which spurs violence among these groups and a breakdown of political order. In theory, specifically liberal institutionalism, this could be adverted with international organizations that provide an outlet in which the groups can discuss compromises and outside observers assist in finding solutions. But as we see in most African countries, with various religious, ethnic, and tribal groups, finding a common ground is almost always capricious, and its effects even transcend to neighboring counties.

With the history of African nations post-independence yielding various coups and ethnic violence, it seems that certain groups use this as a precedent in their own specific cause. For example, the first military coup post-independence in Ghana to overthrow Kwame Nkrumah, was deemed successful by the West and it has even been argued that the coup was supported by the CIA. Further, the Western nations still show no signs of subscribing to pacifism, with United States and NATO forces ubiquitous.

However, I do believe in times of economic growth and external crises, patriotism does arise and provides a stepping stone on which a democracy can strengthen, however this needs to be long-term. One example is nationalism in Ghana, where it was the first African country to gain independence from its colonizers, and the international community has praised its economic growth. President John Agyekum Kufuor is the leader of the Africa Union, and Ghana is increasingly receiving more international exposure, tourism and FDI. Nationalism in Ghana is clearly present, but one could say the same of Kenya a two months ago where economic growth was also praised in the region, however volatility has caused the breakdown of nationalism into an almost clear ethnic cleansing.

Comment

Re: How Can Democracy be Strengthened in African Countries?

Posted Feb 25, 2008 in the DemocracyGovernance category.

My Comments

Name: Adzele Jones
Age: 29
Gender: Female
Home City/Town:
Home Country: Togo
Current place of residence: United States
Current Occupation:
Questions- You are free to answer all of them. Please try to answer at least 2 to 3 of them.

1. Article 4, paragraph g of the Constitutive Act of the African Union establishes the principle of “non-interference by any Member State in the internal affairs of another”. However, the following paragraph (h) declares “the right of the Union to intervene in a Member State pursuant to a decision of the Assembly in respect of grave circumstances, namely: war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity.” At what point, in your opinion, is it appropriate for Member States to act against a government believed to be undemocratic, especially one that has persecuted its citizens? Why might some people oppose such intervention? Consider the current situations in Kenya and Zimbabwe.

Instability in one country affects others and creates economic, public health and security problems. Military forces as a tool for intervention are no solutions. However when forces are used, they should be backed by diplomacy. With fewer resources to go around, economic sanctions often only affect the poor of the population unless it is only concentrated on the assets of the leaders. Moreover, a simple condemnation can only aggravate positions on the ground. As is the case of AU forces in Darfur and will likely be the case in Kenya and Zimbabwe. If military intervention must occur, it should be backed by regional organizations, legitimized by the UN, and with provided resources to succeed. Then, space will be created for internal dialogue. Internal problems are bettered by internal mechanisms for resolving conflict, and agreements thus crafted last longer.

2. Can the United States and the European Nations play a constructive role in collaborating with African governments in strengthening democracy? What, or what not, should that role consist of?

No one can teach others how to govern themselves. Democracy should be home grown. The first steps should be openness, transparency and accountability of public officials. However, we must also learn from each other. It would be unwise not to seek counsel, not to ask for assistance when needed, and not to learn from others including Europeans (former colonizers or not). The point is that the FINAL actions and decisions must be ours because we know our country needs and interests best. African political choices and economic policies need to be of the African people and serve our land.

3. Can you think of any aspects of American or European-style democracy that you believe have been unsuccessful in your country or others in Africa? If so, why, and what ideas do you have that might work better?

In theory, separation of power (executive, legislative and judiciary).

In practice, the check and balances has not worked in Togo and in other African countries in general. If the 3 institutions are well resourced, staffed and well run, they will create space for democracy building and sustainable development. It has not worked in Togo simply because these systems are based on the principles of democracy. Without free and open elections, Togo is far from taking the first steps toward a democratic system. The only thing that I will suggest is to begin to create a safe and violence free society.

4. To what extent does successful democracy depend on a strong, common sense of national identity? In what ways can ethnic, religious, linguistic, tribal, caste and regional identities be respected yet woven into common national identities? Can you think of any examples from your country or elsewhere?

5. Ideally, what do you believe the political role of the military should be in your country?

The military should be at the service of the country and not its governing body. The military have played a strong role in many African countries in a most devastating way. Corrupt leaders often in control of the military have used this body to intimidate, steal public money, and violate basic human rights with impunity. The role of the military has been so tarnished that I believe in order for it to play a productive role it must be reformed and professionalized. It also must change from ethnic armed forces to truly national ones. Then, the military will cease being the tool of one man, the president, and become a force at the service of the good of the entire nation. In a nutshell, the military could play a role, the one that protects and functions within a democratic system with violent free election.

6. What do you believe is the single biggest obstacle or challenge to democracy in your home country? How would you like to see it addressed?

The single biggest obstacle to democracy in Togo is the role of the military, and the long rule of the same president and his dynasty, for more than 4 decades (e. g. the new president, son of the late president, was first imposed by the military; then, he was forced by the international community to organize elections, which he ran and won with the opposition contesting the results).
I am not sure if this could be addressed in the near future but perhaps with proper procedures and influence from the AU and the International Community the next election could bring new changes. I will further suggest the following amendments: – No one should serve more than two consecutive terms. – In case a president serves two consecutive terms as a result of a free election, the successor should not be a member of the previous ruler’s family. – If there is violence at the time of election the responsible running candidate should be automatically disqualified. -Of course none of these will be possible if the system does not practice certain democratic ideals such as, balance of power, check and balance and free elections.

7. What social issues would have the best chance of being solved in your country as a result of greater democracy?

8. How can the rural and urban poor be given a role in political decision-making beyond the (sometimes very) occasional trip to the ballot box? Do you know of any efforts to “decentralize” power to the state, regional or village level in your home country?

9. Please discuss any issue related to strengthening democracy in Africa that you could not address by answering the previous questions. Any other questions we should ask?

Other suggestions

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How Can Democracy be Strengthened in African Countries?

Posted Jan 21, 2008 in the DemocracyGovernance category.

WE WANT YOUR OPINION!

Debates surrounding global issues are too often dominated by elites in government, the media and academia. The issue of democracy in Africa is no exception. Usually, the opinions and attitudes of citizens outside official bastions of power are disturbingly absent from discourse on the subject. The Center for African Affairs and Global Peace (CAAGLOP) aims to elicit your opinions and those of others in order to foster an open, lively debate among Africans on how democracy can be promoted and strengthened throughout the African continent. Information about you, as well as your answers to the questions below will be included in a series of profiles of people from various African countries. However, you are free to participate anonymously. The information you include in your profile and those of others will be posted on CAAGLOP’s Africa Policy Analyst Viewpoint Forum Page (at our Web Site, www.caaglop.org ). Your participation in this project is very important to us, and helps CAAGLOP foster a citizen-based dialogue on how to make democracy a tool for sustainable development for all Africans, especially the rural and urban poor.
Background: I. Defining Democracy
If the building of a bridge does not enrich the consciousness of those working on it, then don’t build the bridge, and let the citizens continue to swim across the river or use a ferry. The bridge must not be pitch-forked or foisted upon the social landscape by a dues ex machine, but, on the contrary, must be the product of the citizens’ brains and muscles… The citizen must appropriate the bridge. Then, and only then, is everything possible. – Frantz Fanon, in Damnes de la Terre (Wretched of the Earth)

What he (Jefferson) perceived to be the mortal danger to the republic was that the Constitution had given all power to the citizens, without giving them the opportunity of being republicans and of acting as citizens. – Hannah Arendt, in On Revolution
This project on the state of democracy in Africa takes as its premise Anyang Nyong’o’s belief that “at the center of the failure of African states to chart viable paths for development is the issue of lack of accountability, hence of democracy as well .” We don’t want to lead your answers too much, but we do hope that your answers will be oriented toward ideas that explore how democracy can better be made to work for the majority of Africans. Though we will not reject arguments in favor of the “stable autocrat”, we urge you to think outside of the box with us!
Any discussion involving democratization in Africa must proceed with a definition of democracy. We encourage you to offer your own ideas on what it means for a country to be “democratic”, but the following conditions are offered as a starting point:
Meaningful and extensive competition among individuals and organized groups (especially political parties) for all effective positions of government power, at regular intervals and excluding the use of force; a highly inclusive level of political participation in the selection of leaders and policies, at least through regular and fair elections, such that no major (adult) social group is excluded; and a level of civil and political liberties- freedom of expression, freedom of the press, freedom to form and join organizations- sufficient to ensure the integrity of political competition and participation.
These conditions are sufficient if our conception of democracy is restricted to the realm of free, open campaigns and elections. Additionally, as you answer the questions, try to keep in mind ideas on how citizens, especially in poor rural and urban areas, can be made regular participants in decision making, as opposed to just elections. Keep in mind the quotes from Frantz Fanon and Hannah Arendt, above. II. Current Situation
Analysis of political situations in specific African countries is better left to you. You know the situation in your home country better than we do. However, we will summarize some of the important developments of the past year: – In April 2007, Nigeria, Africa’s most-populous country, elected Umaru Yar’Adua President in an election marred by widespread irregularities, according to most local and foreign observers. – That same month, Mali continued what appeared to observers to be its consolidation of democracy, as Amadou Toumani Toure was re-elected for another five-year term. Toure surprised many in the early 1990s when, after seizing power in a military coup, handed over power to civilian authorities. Toure was elected President in 2002 in another peaceful transition of power. – Mali is one of several African countries where, according to Freedom House, the political systems are now “free.” Other countries on the list are Senegal, Namibia, Botswana, South Africa, Lesotho, Ghana and Benin. In Senegal, President Abdoulaye Wade was reelected President for a second term in February 2007 with 56% of the first round vote. – During 2007, the Democratic Republic of Congo saw continued escalation of violence in the eastern territory of North Kivu, culminating in ferocious battles between government troops and rebels in December. The developments are a blow to the hopes raised after the country’s national elections in 2006. Over 370,000 people have been displaced as a result of the violence. – In Sudan, negotiations late in the year between the Khartoum government and the southern-based Sudan People’s Liberation Movement to revive the country’s national unity government, was overshadowed by the genocide in Darfur. The Darfur genocide has resulted in the deaths of over 200,000 people and displaced over 2 million. Currently, only 7,500 UNAMID soldiers of a planned force of 20,000 are in Darfur. – Kenya is in the throes of political crisis, as opposition leader Raila Odinga seems poised to contest the legitimacy of President Mwai Kibaki’s re-election by a 2% margin on December 27. Most tallies during the ballot counting placed Mr. Odinga ahead of the President. 600 Kenyans have been killed in violence around the country following the election, and it has been revealed that the military has used “lethal force” against opposition protesters. Mr. Odinga’s party has a 99-43 edge in parliamentary seats over the ruling Party of National Unity.
Your Profile
To the best of your ability, offer your opinions regarding the issues addressed in at least two or three of the questions below. Remember, we are not looking for “expert” opinions. If you would like, you may conduct some research to back your opinions. However, it is not necessary.

Name:
Age:
Gender:
Home City/Town:
Home Country:
Current place of residence:
Current Occupation:
Questions- You are free to answer all of them. Please try to answer at least 2 to 3 of them.